[Congressional Bills 119th Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
[S. Res. 67 Introduced in Senate (IS)]

<DOC>






119th CONGRESS
  1st Session
S. RES. 67

                Declaring racism a public health crisis.


_______________________________________________________________________


                   IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES

             February 6 (legislative day, February 5), 2025

 Mr. Booker (for himself, Mr. Padilla, Ms. Hirono, Mr. Blumenthal, Mr. 
 Kim, Ms. Baldwin, and Mr. Wyden) submitted the following resolution; 
 which was referred to the Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and 
                                Pensions

_______________________________________________________________________

                               RESOLUTION


 
                Declaring racism a public health crisis.

Whereas a public health crisis is an issue--

    (1) that affects many people, is a threat to the public, and is 
ongoing;

    (2) that is unfairly distributed among different populations, 
disproportionately impacting health outcomes, access to health care, and 
life expectancy;

    (3) the effects of which could be reduced by preventive measures; and

    (4) for which those preventive measures are not yet in place;

Whereas public health experts agree that significant racial inequities exist in 
        the prevalence, severity, and mortality rates of various health 
        conditions in the United States;
Whereas examples of significant racial inequities include that--

    (1) life expectancies for Black, American Indian, and Alaska Native 
people in the United States are 4 to 10 years lower than those of non-
Hispanic White people in the United States;

    (2) Black, American Indian, and Alaska Native women are 2 to 4 times 
more likely than White women to suffer severe maternal morbidity and have 
the highest rates of pregnancy-related mortality;

    (3) Black, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, American Indian, and 
Alaska Native infants are 2\1/2\ to 3 times more likely to die than White 
infants;

    (4) the Black infant mortality rate in the United States is higher than 
the infant mortality rates recorded in 27 of the 36 democratic countries 
with market-based economies that are members of the Organization for 
Economic Co-operation and Development;

    (5) Hispanic women have a 51 percent higher incidence, and are 30 
percent more likely to die from, cervical cancer compared to non-Hispanic 
White women;

    (6) Asian Americans are the only racial group in the United States who 
experience cancer as the leading cause of death and have the highest rates 
of lung cancer among never-smoking women;

    (7) Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders are 2.5-times more likely to 
die from diabetes than non-Hispanic White women;

    (8) Native Hawaiians suffer from coronary heart disease, stroke, heart 
failure, cancer, and diabetes at a 3 times greater rate than other ethnic 
populations in Hawaii, and become afflicted with those diseases a decade 
earlier in their lives compared with other ethnic populations; and

    (9) during the COVID-19 pandemic, Black, Hispanic or Latino, Asian 
American, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and Native American 
communities experienced disproportionately high rates of COVID-19 
infection, hospitalization, and mortality compared to the White population 
of the United States;

Whereas inequities in health outcomes are exacerbated for people of color who 
        are LGBTQIA+;
Whereas inequities in health outcomes are exacerbated for people of color who 
        have disabilities;
Whereas, historically, explanations for health inequities have focused on false 
        genetic science, such as eugenics;
Whereas, historically, explanations for health inequities have focused on 
        incomplete social scientific analyses that narrowly focus on individual 
        behavior to highlight ostensible deficiencies within racial and ethnic 
        minority groups;
Whereas modern public health officials recognize the broader social context in 
        which health inequities emerge and acknowledge the impact of historical 
        and contemporary racism on health;
Whereas racism is recognized in modern public health discourse as 1 of many 
        social determinants of health, which--

    (1) are a broad range of nonmedical factors that can enhance or hinder 
quality of life and influence health outcomes;

    (2) are the conditions in which people are born, grow, work, live, and 
age, and include the wider set of forces and systems shaping the conditions 
of daily life;

    (3) include factors such as housing, employment, education, health 
care, food, transportation, social support, poverty, crime, violence, 
segregation, and environmental toxins;

    (4) are linked to a lack of opportunity and resources to protect, 
improve, and maintain health; and

    (5) taken together, create health inequities that stem from unfair and 
unjust systems, policies, and practices, and limit access to the 
opportunities and resources needed to live the healthiest life possible;

Whereas, since its founding, the United States has had a longstanding history 
        and legacy of racism, mistreatment, and discrimination that has 
        perpetuated health inequities for members of racial and ethnic minority 
        groups;
Whereas that history and legacy of racism, mistreatment, and discrimination 
        includes--

    (1) the immoral paradox of freedom and slavery, which is an atrocity 
that can be traced throughout the history of the United States, as African 
Americans lived under the oppressive institution of slavery from 1619 
through 1865, endured the practices and laws of segregation during the Jim 
Crow era, and continue to face the ramifications of systemic racism through 
unjust and discriminatory structures and policies;

    (2) the failure of the United States to carry out the responsibilities 
and promises made in more than 370 treaties ratified with sovereign 
indigenous communities, including American Indians, Alaska Natives, Native 
Hawaiians, and Pacific Islanders, as made evident by the chronic and 
pervasive underfunding of the Indian Health Service and Native Hawaiian 
health care, the vast health and socioeconomic inequities faced by American 
Indian and Alaska Native people, and the inaccessibility of many Federal 
public health and social programs in Native American communities;

    (3) the enactment of immigration laws in the United States that 
scapegoated Asians, separated families, and branded Asians as perpetual 
outsiders, such as--

    G    (A) the Act entitled ``An Act supplementary to the Acts in 
relation to immigration'', approved March 3, 1875 (commonly known as the 
``Page Act of 1875'') (18 Stat. 477, chapter 141), which effectively 
prohibited the entry of East Asian women into the United States;

    G    (B) the Act entitled ``An Act to execute certain treaty 
stipulations relating to Chinese'', approved May 6, 1882 (commonly known as 
the ``Chinese Exclusion Act'') (22 Stat. 58, chapter 126), which banned 
thousands of Chinese-born laborers, who were essential in the completion of 
the transcontinental railroad and development of the West Coast of the 
United States; and

    G    (C) the Act entitled ``An Act to regulate the immigration of 
aliens to, and the residence of aliens in, the United States'', approved 
February 5, 1917 (commonly known as the ``Immigration Act of 1917'') (39 
Stat. 874, chapter 29), which barred all immigrants from the ``Asiatic 
zone'' and prevented the migration of individuals from South Asia, 
Southeast Asia, and East Asia;

    (4) during the Great Depression Era, the deportation of approximately 
1,800,000 individuals based on their Mexican ethnic identity, although 
approximately 60 percent of the deported individuals were citizens of the 
United States, and the targeting of individuals of Mexican descent for 
``repatriation'' due to scapegoating efforts, which blamed those 
individuals for ``stealing'' jobs from ``real'' Americans; and

    (5) in 1942, the issuance of Executive Order 9066 which began the 
forced evacuation and detention of Japanese American West Coast residents, 
placing 70,000 citizens of the United States into ``relocation centers'';

Whereas, in 1967, President Lyndon B. Johnson established the National Advisory 
        Commission on Civil Disorders, which concluded that White racism is 
        responsible for the pervasive discrimination and segregation in 
        employment, education, and housing, causing deepened racial division and 
        the continued exclusion of Black communities from the benefits of 
        economic progress;
Whereas overt racism was embedded in the development of medical science and 
        medical training during the 18th, 19th, and 20th centuries, causing 
        disproportionate physical and psychological harm to members of racial 
        and ethnic minority groups, including--

    (1) the unethical practices and abuses experienced by Black patients 
and research participants, such as the Tuskegee Study of Untreated Syphilis 
in the Negro Male, which serve as the foundation for the mistrust the Black 
community has for the medical system; and

    (2) the egregiously unethical and cruel treatment of enslaved Black 
women who were forced to be the subject of insidious medical experiments to 
advance modern gynecology, including those perpetuated by the so-called 
``father of gynecology'', J. Marion Sims;

Whereas structural racism cemented historical racial and ethnic inequities in 
        access to resources and opportunities, contributing to worse health 
        outcomes;
Whereas examples of structural racism include--

    (1) before the enactment of the Medicare program, the United States 
health care system was highly segregated, and, as late as the mid-1960s, 
hospitals, clinics, and doctors' offices throughout the northern and 
southern United States complied with Jim Crow laws and were completely 
segregated by race, leaving Black communities with little to no access to 
health care services;

    (2) the landmark case Simkins v. Moses H. Cone Memorial Hospital, 323 
F.2d 959 (4th Cir. 1963), which challenged the use of public funds by the 
Federal Government to expand, support, and sustain segregated hospital care 
and provided justification for title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (42 
U.S.C. 2000d et seq.) and the Medicare hospital certification program by 
establishing Medicare hospital racial integration guidelines that applied 
to every hospital that participated in the Federal program;

    (3) that Pacific Islanders from the Freely Associated States experience 
unique health inequities resulting from United States nuclear weapons tests 
on their home islands while they have been categorically denied access to 
Medicaid and other Federal health benefits;

    (4) that language minorities, including Spanish-speaking, Chinese-
speaking, and Tagalog-speaking people in the United States, were not 
assured nondiscriminatory access to federally funded services, including 
health services, until the signing of Executive Order 13166 (42 U.S.C. 
2000d-1 note; relating to improving access to services for persons with 
limited English proficiency) in 2000;

    (5) that the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated economic, health, housing, 
and food security barriers for Black, Hispanic or Latino, Asian American, 
Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and Native American households, which 
already suffer from disproportionately higher rates of food insecurity; and

    (6) that members of the Black, Native American, Alaska Native, Asian 
American, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and Hispanic or Latino 
communities are disproportionately impacted by the criminal justice and 
immigration enforcement systems and face a higher risk of contracting 
COVID-19 within prison populations and detention centers due to the over-
incarceration of members of those communities;

Whereas subtle or implicit racism in all sectors of the medical service 
        profession continues to cause disproportionate physical and 
        psychological harm to members of racial and ethnic minority groups;
Whereas examples of subtle or implicit racism in the medical service profession 
        include that--

    (1) the history and persistence of racist and nonscientific medical 
beliefs, which are associated with ongoing racial inequities in treatment 
and health outcomes;

    (2) implicit racial and ethnic biases within the health care system, 
which have an explicit impact on the quality of care experienced by members 
of racial and ethnic minority groups, such as the undertreatment of pain in 
Black patients;

    (3) nearly \1/5\ of Hispanic or Latino Americans avoid medical care due 
to concern about being discriminated against or treated poorly;

    (4) the United States health care system and other economic and social 
structures remain fraught with biases based on race, ethnicity, sex 
(including sexual orientation and gender identity), and class that lead to 
health inequities;

    (5) women of color, including Black, Native American, Hispanic or 
Latina, Asian American, Native Hawaiian, and Pacific Islander women, have 
faced and continue to face attacks on their prenatal, maternal, and 
reproductive health and rights; and

    (6) through the early 1980s, physicians routinely sterilized members of 
racial and ethnic minority groups, specifically American Indian and Alaska 
Native women (with \1/4\ of childbearing-aged American Indian and Alaska 
Native women being sterilized by the Indian Health Service) and African-
American and Latina women, performing excessive and medically unnecessary 
procedures without their informed consent;

Whereas structural racism perpetuates racial and ethnic inequities in the social 
        determinants of health, which produces unintended negative health 
        outcomes for members of racial and ethnic minority groups;
Whereas examples of that structural racism include--

    (1) that there are fewer pharmacies, medical practices, and hospitals 
in predominantly Black and Hispanic or Latino neighborhoods, compared to 
White or more diverse neighborhoods;

    (2) that environmental hazards, such as toxic waste facilities, garbage 
dumps, and other sources of airborne pollutants, are disproportionately 
located in predominantly Black, Hispanic or Latino, Asian American, Native 
Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and low-income communities, resulting in poor 
air quality conditions, which can increase the likelihood of chronic 
respiratory illness and premature death from particle pollution;

    (3) that employed Black adults are 10 percent less likely to have 
employer-sponsored health insurance than employed White adults because of 
racial segregation in occupation sectors and the types of organizations in 
which they work;

    (4) that 1 in 4 American Indian and Alaska Native people lack health 
insurance and that Native Hawaiians, Pacific Islanders, and certain groups 
of nonelderly Asian American adults have lower levels of insurance than 
White adults;

    (5) that several States with higher percentages of Black, Hispanic or 
Latino, American Indian, and Alaska Native populations have not expanded 
their Medicaid programs, continuing to disenfranchise minority communities 
from access to health care as of the date of adoption of this resolution;

    (6) discriminatory housing practices, such as redlining, which have, 
for decades, systemically excluded members of racial and ethnic minority 
groups from housing by robbing them of capital in the form of low-cost, 
stable mortgages and opportunities to build wealth, and the use of 
financial power by the Federal Government to segregate renters in public 
housing;

    (7) social inequities, such as differing access to quality health care, 
healthy food and safe drinking water, safe and affordable neighborhoods, 
education, job security, and reliable transportation, which affect health 
risks and outcomes;

    (8) exclusionary disciplinary practices (such as detention and 
suspension) in primary education and even early education settings, which 
disproportionately affect children from racial and ethnic minority 
backgrounds, particularly Black children; and

    (9) that, as much as 60 percent of the health of a person in the United 
States can be determined by their ZIP Code;

Whereas structural racism perpetuates ongoing knowledge gaps in data, research, 
        and development, which produces unintended negative health outcomes for 
        members of racial and ethnic minority groups;
Whereas examples of that structural racism include that--

    (1) most participants in clinical trials are White, so there is 
insufficient data to develop evidence-based recommendations for people from 
racial and ethnic minority groups;

    (2) medical research equipment and medical devices are typically 
developed by majority-White teams and therefore can have racial blind spots 
unintentionally built into their design, rendering them less effective for 
people from racial and ethnic minority groups, such as--

    G    (A) electroencephalogram electrodes used in neuroimaging research 
do not collect reliable data when used on scalps with thick, curly hair; 
and

    G    (B) pulse oximeters produce less accurate oxygen saturation 
readings when used on fingertips with darker skin;

    (3) a lack of images depicting darker skin in medical textbooks, 
literature, and journals contributes to higher rates of underdiagnosis or 
misdiagnosis in patients with darker skin; and

    (4) many health-related studies fail to include data on American 
Indians, Alaska Natives, Asian Americans, Native Hawaiians, or Pacific 
Islanders, or do not disaggregate data among those groups, leading to their 
invisibility in health data and unjust resource allocation and policies;

Whereas racism produces unjust outcomes and treatment for members of racial and 
        ethnic minority groups, with such negative experiences serving as 
        stressors that over time have a negative impact on physical health 
        (leading, for example, to high blood pressure or hypertension) and 
        mental health (leading, for example, to anxiety or depression);
Whereas there is evidence that racial and ethnic minority groups continue to 
        face discrimination in the United States, examples of which include 
        that--

    (1) social scientists have documented racial microaggressions in 
contemporary United States society, including--

    G    (A) assumptions that members of racial and ethnic minority groups 
are not citizens of the United States;

    G    (B) assumptions of lesser intelligence;

    G    (C) statements that convey color-blindness or denial of the 
importance of race;

    G    (D) assumptions of criminality or dangerousness;

    G    (E) denial of individual racism;

    G    (F) promotion of the myth of meritocracy;

    G    (G) assumptions that the cultural background and communication 
styles of an individual are pathological;

    G    (H) treatment as a second-class citizen; and

    G    (I) environmental messages of being unwelcome or devalued;

    (2) compared to White Americans, Black Americans are 5 times more 
likely to report experiencing discrimination when interacting with the 
police, Hispanic or Latino Americans and Native Americans are nearly 3 
times as likely, and Asian Americans, Native Hawaiians, and Pacific 
Islanders are nearly twice as likely;

    (3) 42 percent of employees in the United States have experienced or 
witnessed racism in the workplace;

    (4) Muslims, South Asians, and Sikhs were unjustly targeted for 
profiling, surveillance, arrest, discrimination, harassment, assault, and 
mu